José Martí was an acute observer of the United States, where he lived for some
fifteen years, and he is considered one of the great writers of the Hispanic world. His
importance for the American reader, however, stems even more from the universality and
timeliness of his thought. Martí devoted his life to ending colonial rule in Cuba and to
preventing the island from falling under the control of the United States or a regime
inimical to the democratic principles he held. With those goals, and with the conviction
that the freedom of the Caribbean was crucial to Latin American security and to the
balance of power in the world, he devoted his talents to the forging of a nation. Thence
the breadth of his work: he was a revolutionary, a statesman, a guide, and a mentor. And
because his vast learning enabled him to move comfortably in the most diverse fields, his
teaching is rich indeed.
Martí was born in Havana in 1853. At seventeen he was exiled to Spain for his
opposition to colonial rule. There he published a pamphlet exposing the horrors of
political imprisonment in Cuba, which he himself had experienced. Upon graduating from the
University of Saragossa, he established himself in Mexico City, where he began his
literary career. His objection to a regime installed by a military coup led him to depart
for Guatemala, but government abuses forced him to abandon that country as well. In 1878
he returned to Cuba under a general amnesty, but he conspired against the Spanish
authorities and again was banished. From exile in Spain, he quickly left for the United
States, and then, after a year in New York, for Venezuela, where he hoped to settle, only
to have still another dictatorship force him to depart. Martí lived in New York from 1881
to 1895, when he left to join the war for Cuban independence that he had painstakingly
organized. There he died in one of its first skirmishes.
During the years he spent in the United States, Martí analyzed American society with
clarity and insight as a correspondent for the most influential newspapers of Argentina,
Venezuela and Mexico. "In order to know a country," he wrote, "one must
study all its aspects and expressions, its elements, its tendencies, its apostles, its
poets, and its bandits." This he did, and because of his uncompromising honesty, his
chronicles contain both criticism and praise that have sometimes been put to improper use.
It was the period when the American experiment in self-government and free enterprise was
crystallizing, now strengthening, now undermining moral values. Martí roundly censured
materialism, prejudice, expansionist arrogance, and political corruption, and
enthusiastically applauded love of liberty, tolerance, egalitarianism, and the practice of
democracy. Thus, in October of 1885, contrasting opulence and poverty in New York, he
warned his readers: "It is necessary to study the way this nation sins, the way it
errs, the way it founders, so as not to founder as it does.... One must not merely take
the statistics at face value but hold them up to examination and, without being dazzled,
see the meaning they contain. This is a great nation, and the only one where men can be
men, but as a result of conceit over its prosperity and of its inability to satisfy its
appetites, it is falling into moral pygmyism, into a poisoning of reason, into a
reprehensible adoration of all success."
Martí's thought has ethical foundations; as a political theorist and as an artist he
can be understood only in terms of his faith in morality. Every inquiry into the nature of
man and his role on earth led Martí to identify good with truth. For him there was no
force behind what he considered right unless it had the strength of truth. He believed
that "every person has within an ideal being, just as every piece of marble contains
in a rough state a statue as beautiful as the one that Praxiteles the Greek made of the
god Apollo." To attain human salvation, the only thing needed, Martí felt, was to
free people from apathy and egotism. Martí's overriding desire to affect reality kept him
away from pure speculative thought: he constantly strove to reduce abstract thought to
concrete formulae of conduct, and, his ability to do so was singular. Martí himself
explained the exercise thus: "What proud work could be done by sending forth to face
life together three beings who think differently about it: one, like the Brahman and the
Morabite, given to the impossible worship of absolute truth, the second to exuberant
self-interest, and the third with a Brahman's spirit restrained by prudent reason and
going through life as I do, sadly and sure that no reward will come, daily drawing fresh
water from an ever recalcitrant stone."
How to achieve a functional accommodation of "truth,"
"self-interest," and "reason" was the central question posed by
Martí. Although he did not systematize his knowledge and, therefore, left no treatise on
political science, his works are replete with ideas on the purpose of the State and its
relations to society. He thought it possible to reconcile individual with collective needs
and disapproved of all governmental forms that proposed suppressing either, since freedom
was for him the only viable climate for human existence: "A nation is made of the
rights and opinions of all its children," he wrote, "and not the rights and
opinions of a single class." He knew that the differences and inequalities among men
could not be ignored, but that neither could they be left to the whims of history or the
manipulation of a single group. Rather, he recommended correcting the imbalances through
"social charity and social concern," the objectives of which were, he declared,
"to reform nature herself, for people can do that much; to give long arms to those
whose arms are short; to even the chances for those who have few gifts; to compensate for
lack of genius with education."
Martí's own example lent validity to his doctrines, and the strength of his style
enhanced their effectiveness as political and philosophical instruments. His literary work
is an invaluable achievement of expression and is conditioned throughout by moral
objectives; the artist and the apostle became inseparable in his work. "In literature
one should not be Narcissus but a missionary," he proclaimed. For Martí aesthetics
was but an aspect of ethics: "Human nature is noble and inclined to what is best.
After knowing beauty and the morality that comes from it, people can never after live
without morality and beauty." In his art and as a critic of art he resolutely voiced
faith in human perfectibility, a faith in total agreement with his insistence on coupling
act with thought.
Insofar as Martí made freedom and justice cornerstones and could never accept
curtailment of the natural expansiveness of the human spirit, insofar as he believed, on
the contrary, that man's redemption would come through love and unfettered reason, his
doctrine is, and must be, at odds with the totalitarian dogma that has been implanted in
Cuba. All of Martí's teachings controvert that political system with its restraints on
individual freedom, its intolerance and materialism, just as his writings condemn all
despotic regimes and abridgments of human rights; just as they denounce the lack of
spirituality, the Mammonism and arrogance that capitalist society has tended to breed. For
this reason, the dissemination of Martí's thought in all its force is of the greatest
importance today; his words, which can guide democracies and, if heeded, offer them
greater security, speak more eloquently against the Cuban apostasy than all the
accusations that others might make.
Thus, one of the aims of this collection is to reveal the aspirations of the Cuban
national spirit through its most prominent exponent, so that the resistance of Cubans to
oppression and tyranny and their efforts to balance justice and liberty can better be
understood.
When I put together the first edition of this anthology I had confidence in the
intrinsic value of the examples of Martí's thoughts that it included, and I was certain
that they had importance for our times, but I never imagined that interest in the
anthology would spread as quickly as it has, or as widely. The generous welcome with which
that volume was received led to the publication of a second edition and now has led to the
publication of this third, revised, edition published by the Cuban American National
Foundation, on the occasion of the one hundredth anniversary of Martí's death.
I wish to express my gratitude to all those who have supported the dissemination of
Martí's thought, to the editors of the previous editions, the Unión de Cubanos en el
Exilio, from New York, and in particular to Dr. Linda B. Klein for her generous help in
preparing this collection.